Trumpet on the Land (86 page)

But more so even than that cash, what piqued my interest was the discovery of those ghostly relics. Just as one writer of that time stated, to come across the letters written to and by the Custer dead must have been like hearing faint, eerie voices whispering from their shallow graves beside the Greasy Grass. A matter of weeks later Sergeant Jefferson Spooner recalled that when he had been going through the lodges, he came across several noteworthy articíes:
a locket, a small cabinet photo of Captain Myles Keogh, two gold-mounted ivory-handled revolvers, and a Spencer sporting rifle. The cavalry sergeant went on to state, “The picture and locket I gave to an officer of the 3rd Cav., who claimed them as a relative of the officer killed with Custer, and a revolver I gave to Capt. Rodgers of ‘A' Co. 5th Cav. The rifle I
sold some days later for two loaves of bread.”

The emphasis there is all mine! Only to remind you that in less than a week of that victory over a village filled with dried meat, Crook's troops were on the Belle Fourche and then the Whitewood, trading what little they had with the greedy merchants who came out from the Black Hills towns to charge the soldiers five, six, even seven times the going rate (already inflated due to transportation costs to the mining settlements) for the most basic of foodstuffs!

It seems from the discovery of the Keogh photograph and that locket, from the captain's leather gauntlets, and especially from the “Wild I” company guidon, that whoever secured those souvenirs was among those who overwhelmed that tough band of cavalrymen who attempted to hold the east side of Massacre Ridge. One report states that the swallowtail flag was tied outside the lodge of American Horse, likely attached to the smoke-flap ropes. But Anson Mills states that it was discovered “in good condition, folded up in an Indian reticule with a pair of Colonel Keogh's gauntlets marked with his name.”

Yet Mills wasn't the one who discovered that guidon. Charging the Sioux village, Private W. J. McClinton sprinted in with his C Troop from the Third Cavalry, and that very day presented the flag to Captain Mills. Years later when McClinton received his discharge papers from the army, he found the face of the document emblazoned in bold red ink with a testament to the fact that he had captured the guidon. Upon his discharge McClinton remained in the West, soon to become a resident of Sheridan, Wyoming, where he enjoyed a long and successful business career. More than a decade later John Bourke wrote,
“[McClinton] never tires of singing the praises of General Crook and the brave men who opened up the rich valleys of the Tongue and Goose Creek [near present-day Sheridan] to settlement.”

But while that guidon went to Mills's care, the story is yet incomplete. Not long after the arduous campaigns of the great Sioux War, Anson Mills loaned the relic, among other “trophies,” to the Museum of the Military Service Institution on Governor's Island, New York. Years later upon its return he was dismayed at how the museum curators had allowed moths to have their way with the flag. He promptly had it encased in glass, and after the old soldier's death, the Mills family donated it to the Custer Battlefield National Monument (now renamed the Little Bighorn Battlefield). There visitors can see that very same guidon that flew over the heads of Myles W. Keogh's I Company as they stood their ground along Massacre Ridge, then fell into the dust when the standard-bearer died on that hillside, and finally traveled with the victorious Sioux to Dakota Territory—there to be recaptured by the U.S. Cavalry.

There is still something of a controversy regarding these relics. Are they, in fact, a “smoking gun” proving that this band of Miniconjou were indeed at the Little Bighorn battle? Years afterward Indians on the Standing Rock Reservation claimed that Iron Plume (as American Horse was better known among his people) had not been at the Greasy Grass fight at all. They testified that the Seventh Cavalry relics were instead brought into American Horse's camp by visiting Oglalla in those eleven weeks after the soldiers were wiped out.

Nonetheless, Jerome Greene has stated there is sufficient evidence to believe that some of the warriors who were in that camp on the morning of 9 September had also been camped beside the Little Bighorn on the afternoon of 25 June. Perhaps most compelling are the words of Miniconjou Red Horse given to Judge Eli Ricker in his statement testifying that he was at both fights.

It seems conceivable to me that both sides in this controversy
are correct. It is not hard at all to believe that in American Horse's village that September morning there were both those who had fought the Seventh Cavalry on that hot summer day eleven weeks before, and those who had joined up with Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse only in the days immediately following their great victory. The Indian populations of various warrior bands and clan groupings underwent growth and shrinkage throughout that spring, summer, and into the fall, with much coming and going as the seven great circles finally merged in the days before crushing Custer, then almost immediately began to slowly disperse and mosey off to the four winds as Crook and Terry sat on their thumbs—not knowing what to do.

Despite their hunger for a victory of some kind over the Sioux who had defeated the Seventh Cavalry, there was considerable disagreement, and outright argument, over Captain Mills's attacking a village of unknown strength without first alerting Crook. The general himself criticized Mills for not having sent a courier back during the long night of the eighth, upon Grouard's discovering the enemy camp. This, Crook attested, would have given him time to bring up the whole column, surrounding the camp and preventing the escape of all those “two hundred” Sioux into the nearby hills and bluffs.

Another source of heated discussion among Crook's officers was the fact that Mills had opened up the battle with a dangerously limited supply of ammunition. All this criticism quickly made its way into the press of the day. Robert Strahorn wrote in his dispatches to the Rocky Mountain
News:

Reuben Davenport of the New York
Herald
, never a fan of Crook, nonetheless took this opportunity to rebuke Mills:

How unfortunate that none of those contemporaries of Captain Anson Mills appear to have asked one simple question: what was the best information Mills operated with at the time of his discovery of the village? When he departed from the main column, pushing on with Lieutenant Bubb to secure provisions from the Black Hills settlements, Crook informed Mills and his lieutenants that he would be remaining in bivouac that next day and not moving south on Mills's trail until the morning of the ninth.

So when Grouard discovered the hunters, then the pony herd, and finally the village late on that rainy afternoon of the eighth—Anson Mills had nothing to indicate that George Crook and the rest of the Big Horn and Yellowstone Expedition were anywhere but a minimum of thirty-five miles or more to their rear, right back where his battalion had left them. To send a courier on that backtrail wouldn't have made much sense, at least to me—because given the condition of Crook's men and animals, no courier could have conceivably crossed thirty-five miles of that treacherous, muddy country to reach Crook, and no column could have then marched another thirty-five miles across the same gumbo prairie, in time to launch a concerted attack at dawn!

Everything considered—the distant position of reinforcements from Crook's column, and Mills's dangerously low supply of ammunition—I believe the captain made the only decision he could, and all arguments then and now are nothing more than niggling, meaningless carping.

Still, it isn't hard for me to understand the conditions that would make such heated debates arise: great, passionate welling of sentiment from those who continued to suffer the terrible privations of that campaign, two harrowing days of battle, and the additional horrors of their horse-meat march between Owl and Willow creeks. Simply put, we must remember that those soldiers had been in the wilderness for four and a half months without leave or relief.

In the Huntington Library collections we find the papers of Lieutenant Walter S. Schuyler, who wrote to his father upon Crook's return to Fort Laramie:

Years after that grueling march of survival and sheer willpower, Lieutenant John Bourke found his own health failing. In writing his book,
On the Border With Crook
, he asked his public to study the roster of those soldiers who had suffered terribly through twenty-two days of constant hunger, cold, and rain.

Fourteen years later in his short story about the campaign, which he titled “Van,” Charles King wrote:

In an attempt to capture some of that grueling privation, as depicted in a closing scene of this novel, a photographer rode out from Deadwood with his cameras and his portable, wagon-borne darkroom to record for history through staged photographs some of what Crook's troops managed to live through. For this alone we are indebted to photographer Stanley J. Morrow. With the assistance of Bantam Books and through the courtesy of folks at the Little Bighorn National Battlefield who searched through their photographic archives, we have in this book reproduced a few of Morrow's momentous photos.

Perhaps the most evocative picture for me is the one showing the famous hide lodge salvaged from the captured village and used as Dr. Clements's “hospital” for the next several days. The photo, taken after the column had reached the Black Hills, also shows the captured I Troop guidon on display. Standing left to right are scout Frank Grouard, Private W. J. McClinton (who captured the flag), and Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka. Seated left to right are Lieutenant Colonel William B. Royall (who commanded a
battalion at the Battle of the Rosebud), Captain William H. Andrews (prominent for his gallantry on Royall's flank during the Rosebud fight), Captain Anson Mills, and Lieutenant Joseph Lawson.

This last officer was generally known as a “character” among his comrades in the Third Cavalry. A native of Seamus Donegan's Ireland, Lawson emigrated to the Ohio River country of Kentucky, where he ran a grocery store, married, and fathered five children before joining the Union Army with the outbreak of the Civil War—at the age of forty! In his remarkable career during the Indian wars, this unassuming soldier never asked any handicap of troopers half his age, being able to stay in the saddle and outride all but a handful of younger men in the Third Cavalry. Six feet tall and thin as a rail, with tobacco juice perpetually staining his scraggly red beard, Lawson had remained behind with Crook and the pack-train at the time of Reynolds's Powder River fight, March 17, 1876. Three months later, after having displayed conspicuous courage during the Rosebud battle, the lieutenant was finally promoted to captain while Crook's column was still recouping in the Black Hills, September 25, 1876. He would go on to distinguish himself at the Thornburg fight against Ute warriors on Colorado's Milk River in 1879 … but there will be more on that to come in a future volume of this long-running series.

This buffalo-hide lodge was to remain the personal property of Captain Mills. Knowing that the captain did not return to the Belle Fourche with Lieutenant Bubb and the wagons loaded with supplies, choosing instead to remain behind for a day or so to recoup his strength, we can therefore determine with some accuracy that Morrow took this photo sometime after Mills rejoined the column at one of its Whitewood Creek camps.

By that time Crook and his entourage of officers and reporters were speeding back to Fort Laramie. Yet correspondent Reuben Davenport had already offered five hundred dollars to scout Jack Crawford to break away from
Frank Grouard and Captain Anson Mills—and race to the dosest telegraph key. At the same time, Grouard carried dispatches for the three other reporters. In our next volume,
A Cold Day in Hell
you will be treated to the amusing adventures of that cross-country race between the two army scouts.

After reaching Laramie, correspondent Davenport limped on to Cheyenne, where he finally collapsed as a result of his exertions following the Big Horn and Yellowstone Expedition. On his sickbed the newsman completed a fifteen-thousand-word story that was promptly printed in its entirety by the New York
Herald
—an article in which Davenport declared that Crook should be court-martialed for his conduct on the trail. He believed the campaign from thereon out would be remembered with the same historical disgust as was Napoleon's retreat from Moscow during a cruel Russian winter, despite the fact that “a freak of fortune” had allowed the discovery of a small village and its “inglorious” capture.