The President's Call: Executive Leadership From FDR to George Bush (46 page)

BOOK: The President's Call: Executive Leadership From FDR to George Bush
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chapter 4 means that the short-termer system and its practitioners can operate entirely independently of support from the careerists. While "political interests and outside policy constituencies" will fill in the political gaps allowing that system to function, "without good faith efforts at the highest political levels, the upper reaches of the [career] bureaucracy go to seed" (Heclo 1987, 202). A self-fulfilling prophecy operates in this kind of a system:
When senior political appointees fail to include higher civil servants in substantive policy discussions, there is little reason for permanent career staff to acquire more than a narrowly technical, routine perspective. . . . they inevitably become divorced from the "big picture." When they are denied the sense of having a fair hearing for their views among the top political decision makers, permanent officialdom retreats into disgruntlement, backbiting, and, in extreme cases, sabotage. And so it is that by not being consulted, senior careerists over time become less worth consulting and less worth appointing to the more responsible departmental positions. (Ibid., 202)
PAS instability also imposes opportunity costs on the agencies and their career executives who must train their supervisors. One career executive described the care and feeding of new PASs:
I don't know how many assistant secretaries I have helped break in. And you just divert an awful lot of time [doing it]. And there is always a propensity for a new guy to come in and discover the wheel all over again. And then you have the classic case of a political officer who is going to make a name for himself, and therefore he is going to identify one golden chalice he is going after, and he will take the whole goddamn energy of an organization to go after that golden chalice. He leaves after eighteen months, a new guy comes in, and his golden chalice is over here. "Hey guys, everybody this way." (Brauer 1987, 178-79)
The ongoing distraction of training and following an endless succession of new appointees is a clear drain on an agency's ability to pursue its mission.
PAS Interbureaucratic Relations: A Government of Strangers or a Government of Colleagues?
Political executives, wrote Heclo in 1977, "exist in a 'government of strangers.' They are strangers to career bureaucrats, to other political ex-
 
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ecutives, to Congress and congressional staff, and even to the president who appointed them" (Heclo 1977 qtd. in Joyce 1990a, 130). The daily reality of PASs' lives is that, while they all work for the same president, as the chief of a particular bureau or department, they may sometimes find themselves in a difficult position vis-à-vis their PAS colleagues:
A major element of the life of political executives is the necessity both to compete and to cooperate publicly with other agencies. The necessity for executive branch teamwork conflicts with the value of departmental pluralism and the need for the executive to advance his agency's program. The effective executive carries water on both shoulders. Often a representative of one agency will be called to testify before a congressional committee on one side of an issue, and his counterpart in another department will present the opposite view. On occasion, divergent economic views will be presented to industry hoards and committees. (Rehfuss 1973, 135)
The competition inherent in government bureaucracy is made all the more difficult if these same agency heads are strangers either to one another or to Washington. The reality of government by executives who are strangers to one another is closely related to the difficulties produced by tenures of eighteen monthsPASs are unable to form good working relationships with one another and with their career subordinates, because there simply is not enough time.
However, Heclo made his assessment in an era in which the White House had changed parties several times with no president holding onto it for two terms since Eisenhower. In 1992, at the end of twelve years of uninterrupted Republican rule, the situation had changed. And, in fact, the Bush PAS Survey results indicate that many of the PASs knew one another, talked on the phone frequently, and labored together in relative familiarity in interagency working groups.
Clearly, the notion of "strangers" was fading from relevance by the early 1990s. As one PAS observed, there was not really any reason for the Bush-Quayle PAS Association to meet other than for the yearly Christmas party because everyone at that level knew everyone already. (The Bush SES Association did hold regular meetings, however.)
Nonetheless, in early 1993, with a team of Democrats long exiled from the White House freshly on the scene, new life may have been breathed into the "stranger" ethos. While there appeared to be numerous appointees from the Carter presidency in Bill Clinton's administration, groups long ignored or underrepresented were brought in to the centers of power by Clinton's commitment to gender, racial, and geographic diver-
 
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sity as he sought to create a government that, as he said, "looks like America." It is highly likely that most of these persons were strangers to one another. A fruitful area for future study would be the extent to which these appointees are able to meld into a cohesive force in his administration. Would they constitute a government of colleagues or a government of strangers? That awaits further inquiry.
Toward Improving the Nation's Governance
Early studies of the executive branch, such as those of the Brownlow Committee (1937) and the Hoover Commissions (1949 and 1955), dealt primarily with the structure of the executive itself, the inner workings and organization of the White House. Brownlow's call to action, "The president needs help," sums up the concerns of those studies. Additional examinations of the federal service grew out of these initial efforts, but it was not until the 1980s that serious attention began to focus on the process of staffing the many and growing federal agencies at the executive level in both its political and career manifestations.
A brief look at the most well-known and far-reaching of these studies of the executive staffing process, as well as some prominent theorists' contributions, proves instructive. While political appointees constitute the core of this chapter, appointees operate in unavoidable proximity to their career subordinates who must also be considered in order to understand the larger executive picture in government service. Therefore, career executives are included briefly in this appraisal.
The National Academy of Public Administration conducted four studies of political appointments and presidential transitions (1980, 1983, 1985, and 1988); they are considered together. The Twentieth Century Task Force (1987) examined the Senior Executive Service, and the Volcker Commission (1989) looked at the larger issues of public service. These six studies share a common concern about the quality of government given the country by its bureaucracy and about the factors threatening that quality. Each of the studies concludes that there are major problems in the bureaucracy, in the appointment process and its requirements, and in the relationship of career and political executives. Each makes recommendations for ameliorating, or at least addressing, the problems it perceives. In many cases their recommendations are the same.
The National Academy of Public Administration
The National Academy of Public Administration (NAPA) studied the presidential appointments process as it operated historically and as it operates today. The NAPA studies conclude that

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