The Other Slavery (60 page)

16. The quote is from Fernando de Haro y Monterroso to Queen Mariana, Guadalajara, March 20, 1672, in Arizona State Museum, Tucson, MF 02-A-09. See also Zavala,
Los esclavos indios en Nueva España,
225–228; and Deeds,
Defiance and Deference in Mexico’s Colonial North,
74.

17. “Carta de Guido de Lavezaris sobre los esclavos de Filipinas,” n.p., n.d. (circa 1573), AGI, Filipinas, 6, R. 2, N. 16. For an English translation, see Emma Helen Blair, ed.,
The Philippine Islands, 1493–1803,
vol. 3 (New York: Bibliolife, 2008), 204–205. For
this traffic in slaves, see, more generally, Seijas,
Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico,
chap. 2. All along the crown’s policies toward the slaves of the Philippines had been ambiguous at best. Although in theory the enslavement of native Filipinos was forbidden by the New Laws of 1542 and expressly forbidden in the Philippines by a decree in 1574, in practice such prohibitions did not apply to Filipino elites, who continued to hold slaves and indirectly allowed Spaniards to benefit from slave labor through encomiendas and repartimientos. Seijas,
Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico,
36–45. Moreover, the Spanish crown allowed the enslavement of Muslims, and the Spaniards understood such royal permission broadly. See the discussion in Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, “¿Esclavitud o liberación? El fracaso de las actitudes esclavistas de los conquistadores de Filipinas,”
Revista Complutense de Historia de América
20 (1994), 61–74; and Scott,
Slavery in the Spanish Philippines,
23. For their part, the Portuguese delivered slaves from all over the Indian Ocean to Manila. See Tatiana Seijas, “The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish Manila, 1580–1640,”
Itinerario
32:1 (2008), 19–38. For slave raids on Muslims, see “
Autos
(records) of the Audiencia of Manila,” Manila, July 9, 1682, AGI, Mexico, 59, R. 3, N. 24. The information is too fragmentary to make even a rough estimate of the number of slaves in the Philippines. Markus Vink has estimated that in the Dutch urban centers of the Indian Ocean—such as Batavia (Java), Colombo (Ceylon), and Malacca—between one-third and two-thirds of the population consisted of Native slaves. There is no reason to assume that the Spanish settlements in the Philippines were significantly different. See Vink, “‘The World’s Oldest Trade’: Dutch Slavery and Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century,”
Journal of World History
14:2 (June 2003), 131–177. On the various shades of slavery/servitude in the Philippines, see John Leddy Phelan, “Free Versus Compulsory Labor: Mexico and the Philippines, 1540–1648,”
Comparative Studies in Society and History
1:2 (January 1959), especially 197–198; and Scott,
Slavery in the Spanish Philippines,
chap. 2.

18. Neil L. Whitehead, “Indigenous Slavery in South America, 1492–1820,” in David Eltis and Stanley L. Engerman, eds.,
The Cambridge World History of Slavery
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 248–271.

19. Both the contents of the real cédula of 1667 and the reactions to it are discussed in Viceroy Pedro Antonio Fernández de Castro, Count Lemos, to Queen Mariana, Lima, January 24, 1670, AGI, Chile, 57.

20. Memorial, Madrid, October 24, 1674; “Extracto de consulta del Consejo,” Madrid, November 6, 1674; and “Informe del relator, licenciado Angulo, de lo contenido en las cartas, autos, y papeles tocantes al punto de la esclavitud de los indios de Chile,” Madrid, November 6, 1674, all in AGI, Chile, 57. See also Ernesto Schäfer,
El Consejo Real y Supremo de las Indias: Su historia, organización y labor administrativa hasta la terminación de la Casa de Austria,
2 vols. (Madrid: Marcial Pons Historia, 2003), 1:359.

21. Queen Mariana to the viceroy of Mexico, Madrid, May 9, 1672, AGN, Reales Cédulas Duplicadas, vol. 30, exp. 93, fol. 131; Queen Mariana to the viceroy and Audiencia of Mexico, Madrid, December 23, 1672, AGN, Reales Cédulas Duplicadas, vol. 30, exp. 45, fol. 79; real cédula freeing the Indians of Chile, Madrid, December 20, 1674, AGI,
Chile, 57; real cédula to Governor of Tucumán José de Garro, Madrid, December 20, 1674, AGI, Buenos Aires, 5, L. 3, F. 18v–19v; real cédula freeing the slaves of Paraguay, Madrid, July 25, 1679, AGI, Buenos Aires, 6, L. 1, F. 20r–20v; real cédula freeing all Indian slaves of the hemisphere, Madrid, June 12, 1679, AGN, Reales Cédulas Originales, vol. 17, exp. 18, fol. 39; real cédula freeing the slaves of the Philippines, Madrid, June 12, 1679, AGI, Filipinas, 25, R. 1, N. 46. The Spanish orders of the 1670s in effect closed all the loopholes and exceptions introduced during the reigns of Philip II and Philip III, as well as the early part of the reign of Philip IV. They signaled the crown’s commitment to “disavow harsh means like slavery and instead use love and good treatment to preserve and reduce the Indians to the Catholic fold.” Real cédula freeing all Indian slaves of the hemisphere, Madrid, June 12, 1679, AGN, Reales Cédulas Originales, vol. 17, exp. 18, fol. 39. It is only fitting that in 1680 the crown was finally able to publish a vast compendium of all the laws related to the Spanish colonies, known as the
Recopilación de las leyes de Indias.
Book 6, title 2 of the
Recopilación
was devoted to the Indians and explicitly referred back to the New Laws of 1542 (and even earlier legislation), emphatically prohibiting the enslavement of Indians “except when expressly permitted in that same legal compendium.” A digital copy of the
Recopilación de las leyes de Indias
can be found at
http://fondosdigitales.us.es/fondos /libros/752/1030/recopilacion-de-leyes-de-los-reynos-de-las-indias/
. All of the quotes in this section are from this version.

22. The most obvious antecedent of the
Recopilación de las leyes de Indias
was the effort undertaken by Juan de Ovando between 1571 and 1575. However, this so-called Código Ovandino remained incomplete.

23. Governor Sebastián de Roteta to Charles II, San José de Oruña, Trinidad, August 1, 1688, AGI, Santo Domingo, 179, R. 1, N. 34.

24. The first quote is from a letter written by Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, June 1, 1675, quoted in King Charles II to the members of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Madrid, April 2, 1676, in Hackett,
Historical Documents,
2:32–33, 204–208. The second quote is from Haro y Monterroso to Queen Mariana, Guadalajara, March 20, 1672. For Haro y Monterroso’s biography, see “Relación de méritos y servicios del licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso,” Mexico City, November 18, 1686, AGI, Indiferente, 132, N. 22.

25. Report by Captain Miguel Calderón y Oxeda, Villa de San Felipe y Santiago, April 18, 1673; report by Captain Calderón, pueblo of Nío, April 23, 1673; and report by Captain Calderón, Guasave, April 23, 1673, all in “Libertad y servicio personal de indios: Sonora y Sinaloa,” AGI, Patronato, 231, R. 1. On slaving in Sinaloa, see “Autos sobre los presos que hizo don Gaspar de Quejada,” Sinaloa, January 1654, Main Library, University of Arizona, Tucson, microfilm 0318, reel 1654A, frames 0374–0394. On the cruelty of the Jesuit priests of Sinaloa, see the depositions of Juan Bautista and Martín Juárez, Mocorito Indians from San Miguel, December 10 and 12, 1672, in “Libertad y servicio personal de indios: Sonora y Sinaloa.” Victor Adrián González Pérez has transcribed and edited Juan Bautista’s deposition. See “Declaración del indio nombrado Juan Bautista acerca de los maltratos . . . ,”
Clío
1:28 (2002), 171–179. See also
Luis Navarro García,
Sonora y Sinaloa en el siglo XVII
(Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1992), 158.

26. Letters of Chaplain Jacinto Cortés, n.p., February 8, 1673, and Pedro de Maya, Villa de San Felipe y Santiago, April 26, 1673, both in “Libertad y servicio personal de indios: Sonora y Sinaloa.” The
apoderado
(lawyer) of the missions of Sinaloa, Father Gutiérrez, presented a petition denouncing Luque. Members of the Audiencia of Guadalajara discussed the accusations against him on June 23, 1673. See “Libertad y servicio personal de indios: Sonora y Sinaloa.” For a more in-depth discussion of the legal proceedings, see Navarro García,
Sonora y Sinaloa en el siglo XVII,
169–173.

27. Deposition of Pedro Francisco Santillón, San Miguel Arcángel, October 3, 1679, and deposition of Juan de Encinas, San Miguel Arcángel de Sonora, October 3, 1679, both in AHAD, reel 3, frames 433–434.

28. For an even earlier crackdown, see the royal order regarding the manumission of Apache slaves, Guadalajara, October 31, 1659, cited in Hendricks and Mandell, “The Apache Slave Trade in Parral,” 68–69, 79.

29. Haro y Monterroso to Queen Mariana, Guadalajara, March 20, 1672. See also Zavala,
Los esclavos indios en Nueva España,
225–228; and Deeds,
Defiance and Deference in Mexico’s Colonial North,
74. The chart of New Mexican Indians baptized in Parral in appendix 5 shows clear dips in the early 1660s and early 1670s, which almost certainly reflect the impact of the antislavery initiatives. The use of royal carriages to traffic Indians is well documented in the AHMP. See, for example, “Información del capitán Juan Manso,” Parral, December 21, 1653, AHMP.FC.A08.001.012; “Mandato de Juan de Aguileta,” Parral, December 6, 1656, AHMP.FC.A16.001.019; and “Auto del doctor Juan de Gárate y Francia,” Parral, December 27, 1669, AHMP.FC.A16.001.032.

30. “Memorial del capitán Juan Bautista de Ynarra, vecino de Lima, poseedor de varios indios esclavos procedentes del reino de Chile . . . presentado en el Concejo de Indias,” Madrid, December 7, 1677, AGI, Chile, 57. See especially the title of ownership on behalf of Captain Juan de Ynarra, Concepción, September 6, 1669, AGI, Chile, 57. The Mapuches overran the area south of the Bío-Bío River in the late 1500s, but the Spaniards regained control of the area and refounded the city of Valdivia in 1645, fearing that the Dutch would establish a beachhead there. The governorship of Valdivia was dependent on the viceroyalty of Peru.

31. Governor Enríquez to Charles II, Santiago, October 8, 1676.

32. Ibid. J. H. Elliott succinctly discusses this formula, and more generally the matter of resistance to royal authority, in
Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830
(New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2006), 130–132.

33. Don Juan de la Peña y Salazar, licenciado Don Diego Portales, and other audiencia members to Charles II, Santiago, March 18, 1678, AGI, Chile, 57.

34. Governor Enríquez to Charles II, Santiago, December 6, 1680, AGI, Chile, 57.

35. “
Autos
of the Audiencia of Manila,” Manila, July 9, 1682.

36. Audiencia report on slavery, Manila, June 22, 1684, transcribed and translated in Scott,
Slavery in the Spanish Philippines,
38; Archbishop of Manila Fray Felipe Pardo to Charles II, Manila, April 5, 1689, AGI, Mexico, 59, R. 3, N. 24.

37. Audiencia report on slavery, Manila, June 22, 1684, 38, 45; Archbishop Felipe Pardo to Charles II, Manila, April 5, 1689.

38. Antonio de Morga,
Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas
(Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2007), 224. This book was originally published in 1609, much earlier than the Spanish campaign, but evidence that emerged during the campaign, as well as other sources, make it clear that Native Filipinos continued to hold slaves throughout the seventeenth century and later. Nicolás García, Baltazar Balurot, Juan García, Don Tomás Manalang, Don Agustín Bernal Yumol, Nicolás Pangan, Don Juan Alvarado Sumang, and others, n.p., n.d. (circa 1688), AGI, Mexico, 59, R. 3, N. 24. Unfortunately, the scope of this book makes it impossible to say but a few words about this interesting episode. The file “Cartas del Virrey Conde de Galve” (AGI, Mexico, 59, R. 3, N. 24) contains more than a thousand pages of documents related to it. Additional documents can be found in “Carta de Curucelaegui sobre libertad de los indios,” AGI, Filipinas, 12, R. 1, N. 8.

39. For the difficulties involved in ending Native slavery in the Philippines, see Scott,
Slavery in the Spanish Philippines,
chap. 7. Tatiana Seijas emphasizes the importance of formal abolition in
Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico,
chap. 7.

40. Governor Enríquez to Charles II, Santiago, October 8, 1676; Don Juan de la Peña y Salazar et al. to Charles II, Santiago, March 18, 1678; “Traslado de autos del acuerdo de la Audiencia de Manila en cumplimiento de la cédula sobre que no se esclavice a los indios,” Manila, June 11, 1683, AGI, Filipinas, 13, N. 17.

41. On the pronouncement against the enslavement of Indians by Carolina’s proprietors, see Gallay,
The Indian Slave Trade,
66–67. See also Francis Daniel Pastorius and others, “Quaker Protest Against Slavery in the New World, Germantown (Pa.), 1688,”
http://triptych.brynmawr.edu/cdm/ref/collection/HC_QuakSlav/id/8
; Samuel Sewall, “The Selling of Joseph: A Memorial (1700),”
http://digitalcommons.unl.edu /cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1026&context=etas
; and Epifanio de Moirans,
A Just Defense of the Natural Freedom of Slaves: All Slaves Should Be Free (1682),
ed. and trans. Edward R. Sunshine (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2007), 23. Moirans was one of two Capuchin missionaries to Havana who wrote impassioned tracts against the African slave trade using religious and moral arguments. The other was Francisco José de Jaca (1645–1688). Both were tried for sedition in Havana and subjected to lengthy legal proceedings. José Tomás López García,
Dos defensores de los esclavos negros en el siglo XVII
(Caracas: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, 1982).

6. THE GREATEST INSURRECTION AGAINST THE OTHER SLAVERY

1. Testimony of Juan Unsuti, Tiwa of Alameda, encampment and
plaza de armas
of the house of Captain Francisco de Ortega, December 27, 1681, in Barbara De Marco, “Voices from the Archives: Testimony of the Pueblo Indians on the 1680 Pueblo Revolt,” part 1,
Romance Philology
53 (Spring 2000), 440.